Thursday, February 27, 2014

The Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement: It is as clear as mud


By Joseph Sipalan. Published by The Malay Mail Online on 27 February 2014.

Representatives from the 12 Pacific Rim nations involved in the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) left Singapore yesterday with little to show for four days’ worth of intense negotiations.

The BBC’s headline yesterday screamed, “No deal”, despite earlier optimism — particularly from the United States — of possible progress ahead of President Barack Obama’s scheduled visit to Asia in April.

The 12 prospective TPPA members, however, said in a joint statement that they had made “further strides towards a final agreement.”

“While some issues remain, we have charted a path forward to resolve them in the context of a comprehensive and balanced outcome,” read the statement, cited by Singapore-based broadcaster Channel News Asia.

Try reading the quote again. Make any sense?

If it does not, then you are probably as clueless about the TPPA as the half billion people living in Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States and Vietnam — whose governments are engaged in the 12-way talks.

And with details of the controversial free trade pact hidden in the murk of a so-called confidentiality clause imposed by the United States, what could we possibly glean from such cryptic communications?

1. It is as clear as mud

Under the United States-initiated TPPA, prospective member nations hold joint negotiations to flesh out general policy, but the United States also holds parallel bilateral talks with each of the other 11 nations, all hush-hush.

Unlike the pending Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) deal with the European Union (EU) — which bares every single detail to every EU citizen — that right to information has been taken out of the TPPA negotiations.

How will this deal pan out? Your guess is as good as anyone’s.

2. There is no end in sight

Sure, they have set a deadline to finalise the agreement by year end. They said the same thing before heading into the previous round of negotiations — incidentally also hosted by Singapore — last December.

There are simply too many competing interests to expect any quick resolution to disputes over who should make concessions and for which industries.

For example, Japan will not budge on its robust domestic agriculture industry and Malaysia is adamant on keeping its affirmative action policies.

Which brings us to ...

3. How far can Malaysia counter pressure from the United States?

Sadly, not all nations are equal.

No matter how good its negotiators, Malaysia is up against arguably the world’s most powerful nation.

As much as Malaysia wants to exclude from the deal areas concerning Bumiputera issues, government procurement and state-owned enterprises among other things, going at it alone against the United States may not be the most effective strategy.

You can try convincing a bully twice your size that he gains no benefit from punching you in the face, but chances are the bully knows he holds the advantage and lands one on your kisser anyway.

With four out of the 12 negotiating parties coming from ASEAN, it is curious why they are not making a joint stand.

Indonesia opted out of the TPPA over concerns that any deal would undermine its affirmative action policies. Why not Malaysia?

The United States insists that there is more good to be gained from being part of the TPPA, but why did they not then try and convince all 10 ASEAN members to band together to even out the odds?

But then again, maybe ASEAN nations did try to present a united front. We do not know. Darn that confidentiality clause.

Tuesday, February 18, 2014

从《联邦宪法》角度看我国宗教自由


这是我整理的一篇关于阿拉事件的文章. 刚重修过. 这篇文章从法律角度, 厘清一些錯误的见解. - 杨培根  [6 -2- 2014 重修].

最近 (2013年10月14日), 我国上诉庭三司会审, 对 “阿拉” 上诉案作出判決, 推翻高庭的判決. 这是违反我国 《联邦宪法》 的一个判決.

从《联邦宪法》角度来看, 上诉庭三司的判词是錯误的. 他们在判词中所提出的理由, 无法令人折服. 他们对相关法律作出了錯误的诠释. 他们所达致的结论, 会令那些念过宪法的学生, 感到滿头雾水. 他们的判決, 不仅仅是錯误的, 而是錯得太离谱了. 在我国法律史上, 它成了一个污点. 这个判決只能由联邦法院 (我国最高层的法院) 加以纠正.

这场官司从高庭打到了上诉庭. 令人震惊的是, 上诉庭的判決竟然是违宪的. 这究竟是怎么一回事呢? 让我们先了解案情, 才进一步从宪法角度, 剖析上诉庭三司的违宪判词.

1. 案情:  2013年上诉庭 - 禁止基督教徒使用 “阿拉” 字眼
其实, 案情很简单. 天主教教堂在他们的內部周刊《先鋒报》(Herald) 使用了 “阿拉” 的字眼.  (“阿拉” 译自基督教 “上帝” 一词.) 上诉庭却判決, 基督教徒不能使用 “阿拉”这个字眼. 上诉庭公开判定, 不准基督教徒使用 《阿拉》 字眼, 那是史无前例的事.

2. 1999 - 高庭承审法官维护宗教自由
事情经过是这样的:
1986年21月5日, 时任內政部长马哈迪医生发出禁令, 不准非伊斯兰教出版刊物使用 “阿拉” 字眼. 1999年, 天主教堂出版了一本周刊《先鋒报》. 內政部于是发出警告信, 要天主教堂遵守禁令. 同年, 內政部只允准 《先鋒报》继续出版, 但附带条件是: 不准使用 “阿拉” 字眼. 可是, 大主教不接受这个条件, 故入禀高等法庭, 要求高庭对此禁令进行司法审查.  1999年12月31日,  吉隆坡高庭法官 (Lau Bee Lan J.) 撤销内政部长的禁令. 法官作出判決时, 所提出的一些理由是:

(1). 內政部长沒考虑到一个不争的历史事实: 几百年来, “上帝” 一词,     马来文和印尼文都译成 “阿拉”.

(2). 內政部长錯误地考虑一些无关紧要的因素, 如:  伊斯兰教是 “联邦宗教” 的地位; 任何人不得向穆斯林 (回教徒) 传播其他宗教.

(3). 內政部长并沒提出确凿的证据证明, 使用 “阿拉” 字眼对国家安全或公共秩序会构成威胁.

(4). 內政部长的禁令, 侵犯宪法保障下的基本权利, 如: 言论自由, 宗教自由和教育权利等.

[见 Dr Ronnie Ooi 的文章(Aliran 期刊 2013 第 37 卷 第30 页)]
这篇论述文章探讨的是技术性的宪法问题. 不过, 本文将尽量采用淺显易懂的文字, 来阐明有关法律条文和法理.

高庭司法审查程序
高等法庭进行的是司法审查的程序, 不需要证人亲身出庭供证. 法庭只依赖证人的宣誓书和律师的陈词来作出判決. 于是, 高庭法官依据基督教堂所提呈的书面证据, 作出下列裁定:
(1)  圣经的马来文译本中, “阿拉” 是 “上帝” 的正确翻译.

(2)  自15世纪以来, 使用阿拉伯语国家的基督教徒和穆斯林, 谈到一个 “上帝” 时, 都一直在用 “阿拉” 这个字眼. 马来西亚和印尼的天主教以及其他基督教徒都认为, “阿拉” 是在马来文中 “上帝” 的合法用词.

(3)  在1631年出版的马来文- 拉丁文词典里,  “上帝” (Deus) 在马来文中译为 “阿拉” (Alla) .

(4)  在旧版本的 “阿拉伯文圣经” 以及在现代版本的 “阿拉伯文圣经” 中, 基督教徒一直都在惯用 “阿拉” 字眼. 时间已相当久远,  伊斯兰教产生前就已采用了. 当时, 这些基督徒生活在埃及、黎巴嫩、伊拉克、印尼、马来西亚、汶萊等亚非国家.

(5)  从1629年起, 印尼和马来亚的马来文 “马修的福音” (圣经) 中, 就已使用 “阿拉” 字眼. 从1733年起, 第一部完整的马来文圣经, 以及从1879年起, 第二部完整的马来文圣经, 都使用 “阿拉” 的字眼, 从未曾间断过.

(6)  现代马来文学之父孟希.阿都拉 (Munshi Abdullah) 曾经把基督教的福音译成马来文. 他也把 “上帝” 一词译为 “阿拉”.

(7)  讲马来语的马来半岛、沙巴、砂劳越的原住民基督教徒, 世世代代都在使用 “阿拉” 字眼; 整个马来西亚都在使用印尼文圣经, 也采用 “阿拉” 字眼.  

(8)  至少在过去的30年, 天主教堂都一直在自由使用印尼文的圣经 (Alkitab) . 印尼文的圣经也在使用 “阿拉” 字眼.

(9)  所有使用阿拉伯文、印尼文、马来文的国家中, 基督教徒都在使用 “阿拉” 字眼, 沒产生过问题, 也沒破坏或违反公共秩序, 也沒影响伊斯兰教徒的情绪.

            上面所说的, 就是本案的实情. 每个案件的判決都必须以实情为依据. 但是, 料想不到的是, 上诉庭三司的判词完全沒考虑到高庭法官判词所查实的案情. 这点肯定是严重的錯误.


3. 最高法院有重要案例可遵循, 但上诉庭判词却只字不提
不可思议的一件事就是, 上诉庭三司各自分別写的判词, 其中沒有一个判词提起过我国宪法以往极其重要的案例. 上诉庭法官必须考虑与遵循这些案例, 因为这些案例和本案有密切关联.
1992年最高法院《诺丁沙列案 》 : 不得使基本人权变得 “虚幻,毫无意义”
举例说, 1992年, 我国最高法院有个重要案例 《诺丁沙列案 》 (Nordin Salleh case) [1992 MLJ 697]. 这个案例确认: 在检测政府的行动是不是侵犯宪法所阐明的基本人权时, 法庭的职责所在就是, 关注这政府的行动所引起的后果. 如果其后果会使到基本人权变得 “虚幻、毫无意义” 的话 , 那就是违宪的行动.
如果 《先鋒报》一案中, 上诉庭三司曾考虑过上述最高法院的案例, 判決可能就不同了. 禁止基督教徒在膜拜时使用《阿拉》字眼 , 将使宗教自由基本权利变得 “虚幻与毫无意义”. 这是简单不过的道理. 仅仅以这个理由, 上诉庭就应驳回內政部长的上诉.  

4.  上诉庭误解 “伊斯兰教是联邦宗教” 的含义
上诉庭误解了“伊斯兰教是联邦宗教” [宪法第3条] 的含义. 同时, 还忽略了其他两项重要条文的內容. 毫无疑问, 伊斯兰教是联邦宗教, 但是, 有关条文下半段已交代清楚, 人民可以和平与和谐地信奉其他宗教. (宪法第3 条)
参照一下加拿大的宪法 《前言》: “加拿大国体是建立在确认上帝至高无上与法治的原则上的”. 要注意的是, 我国宪法条文沒赐予伊斯兰教 这样的 “至高无上” 的地位. 我国宪法起草人非常了解法律与权利, 有高低主次之分.

5.《联邦宪法》 才是我国 “至高无上” 的法律
宪法规定了伊斯兰教是我国联邦宗教后, 接下去另一项条文立即就阐明, “我国《联邦宪法》 是国家 “至高无上” (supreme) 的法律”. 这就是说, 宪法高于其他一切法律 [第4(1)条], 包括第3 条文的伊斯兰教是联邦宗教的条文.  伊斯兰教是联邦宗教的宪法条文 (第3 条) 沒有 “至高无上” 这个词语. 也就是说, 这项条文必须屈服于 (而不可凌驾于) 第4 条文 “宪法至高无上” 的条文.
另外一点, 新兴的马来亚独立后, 沒有意思把国家变成一个 “神权国”, 而是长期保留了 “世俗国” 的地位. 这点, 有历史事实、独立前东姑等对我国宪政所发表的言论、独立前的相关备忘录等文件、最高法院对宪法作出的、有权威性的判例等等, 足以证明我国是个世俗国. 这不是別有居心者随心所意, 基于政治权宜之计, 发表毫无事实根据、无视法治精神的言论, 所能抺煞的!
更重要的是, 信奉自己所选择的宗教权利, 是宪法基本自由权利的章节里所明文规定的. (第11条). 基本自由权利就是基本人权. 其他基本人权的条文, 包括: 人身自由、法律面前人人平等、不得有歧视现象存在、言论自由、集会结社自由等, 对享有宗教自由都有密切的关系.  

6.“宗教自由” 是绝对的基本人权
在 《联邦宪法》 下, 宗教自由是基本人权之一. 宪法保障人民可信仰、奉行、传播自己的宗教 [第11(1)条]. 每个宗教社群有权管理自己的宗 教事务[第11(3)条].
要注意的是, 宪法对待所有的基本人权, 不是一视同仁, 不是一律平等的. 在宪法下,  基本人权可分为两类:
(1)  有些基本人权是绝对的, 不受任何限制.

(2)  另一些基本人权是有限度的; 可以受到某种限制.

膜拜宗教的权利是绝对的, 不可加以限制 (见第10, 11条). 自由信仰宗教的权利, 就包含了以下的绝对权利:
a.信仰和奉行任何宗教的权利; 
b..豁免或不必为某特定宗教 (不是自己所信仰的宗教) 缴纳稅务的权利; 
c..每个宗教社群有权管理自己的宗教事务, 建立和维持宗教和慈善机构的权利. 
d. . 有权不接受其他宗教的膜拜仪式或膜拜行为.

“绝对权利” 和 “有限权利” 如何区分?
   要如何区分宪法保障下的绝对权利和有限权利呢? 一个最好的例子就是: 国会可制定法律限制言论自由和集会结社自由 (第10条). 但是, 国会不可制定法律限制或削弱宗教自由[第11(1), 11(3)条]. 
   举个具体的例子: 某些人想组织一个气功协会. 这和行使结社自由权利有关. 政府可以施加条件, 控制和监管太极协会的活动. 宪法对待宗教团体的情況则不同. 国会不能通过法律, 对宗教团体施加类似的限制或监管. 宪法所施加的唯一限制是: 在享有绝对宗教自由时, 宗教团体的活动不可触犯一般的法律, 如: 维护 “公共秩序、公众健康、或道德准绳” 的一般法律 [第11(5)条].
再举一个实际例子: 每年在大宝森节, 到黑风洞朝圣的印裔族群, 不得侮辱其他宗教. 不然的话, 政府就有权以破坏公共秩序为理由, 采取措施对付相关人士. 不过, 公共秩序是不是已受到影响, 政府必须拿出证据来证明.
在私人场地, 情況则不同. 如果有宗教社群在基督教堂或庙堂里祈祷膜拜, 或者家庭成员在自己家里膜拜祈祷, 政府就不可以援引相关的限制条文 [第11(5)条], 以破坏公共秩序等为由, 来对付他们. 这是因为教堂、庙宇、住所, 都是私人场地, 不是公共场所. 

7. 人人都享有绝对的宗教自由权利
此外, 在《联邦宪法》下, 言论自由、集会自由、结社自由的基本人权, 只限公民才能享有. 非公民不能享有这些自由权利. 但是, 宗教自由基本人权则不同. 在我国, 不论是公民, 还是非公民, 人人都可享有宗教自由的权利.
   只要身在马来西亚的每个人, 都可享有绝对的宗教自由权利. 这就是宗教自由基本人权和其他基本自由权利不同之处. 上面已说过, 每个人都享有宗教自由的基本人权, 不分公民、国民、 或戶籍.  只要他身在马来西亚, 他就可享受宗教自由的基本人权. 他有权选择信奉任何宗教. 他可以信仰、奉行、传播任何宗教.
   政府或有关当局无权规定, 你必须选择某个宗教, 放弃某个宗教 (穆斯林除外), 改变宗教信仰, 或完全不信教 (指无神论者、不可知论者等). 这个宗教自由是绝对的权利, 不可剥夺的权利.
如何检验宗教自由是绝对的基本人权?
要检验宗教自由的绝对性, 可从三方面着手:
(1)  我国宪法有对付危害社会秩序的条文. 那就是, 如果有大批人采取行动 (或威胁要采取行动) 危害国家,  国会可以制定法令, 剥夺人民的许多基本人权, 如: 人身自由、行动自由、言论自由、集会结社自由、财产权等. 但是, 宗教自由则是一个例外; 国会不可制定法令限制或削減宗教自由. (宪法第149条,)

(2)  同样的, 我国宪法有条文规定, 在某些情況下, 元首可以颁布紧急状态, 接着, 可以制定紧急法令, 削減或剥夺我国人民的一切基本人权; 但是, 这类紧急法令, 不可削減或剥夺宗教自由权利 [宪法第150(6A) 条].

(3)  我国法庭早已有判例, 确认宗教自由基本人权的重要性. 自从制定 《1960年內安法令》 以来, 总共有将近10,000人在 《內安法令》 或其他防范性扣留法令下, 被扣留. 他们是在未经法庭审讯的情況下被扣留的.  有不少被扣留者向法庭申请, 挑战这类无审讯扣留案, 认为那是不合法的. 但是, 往往都不成功. 在众多案件中, 挑战成功的少数重要案件之一, 就是涉及宗教自由的加马鲁丁案 ([1989] 1MLJ418).

8.  1989年最高法院《加马鲁丁案》 :  政府不可援引ISA剥夺宗教自由
那是1989年的案例. 加马鲁丁向穆斯林弘扬基督教教义. 结果, 他在1987年的 “茅草行动” 大逮捕中被扣留. 经高庭审讯后,高庭法官判他无罪释放. 政府把这案子上诉到最高法院去. 然而, 最高法院还是确认, 高等法庭的判定是正确无误的. 两个不同的法院法官都确认: 只因加马鲁丁选择了他自己的宗教信仰, 并且还向穆斯林传播他的宗教 (基督教), 政府就援引 《內安法令》 扣留人, 那是违宪的.
根据这个案例, 在宪法下, 天主教徒有权阅读和翻译圣经. 这是他们信仰和奉行自己的宗教的基本人权. 他们有权管理自己的宗教事务. 这个基本人权是绝对的, 不容剥夺或削減的. 政府, 或者有关当局, 无权从中作梗和干预.
各宗教的信徒, 对他们的宗教经典都享有平等权利.  各宗教的圣书或宗教经典, 都应受到大家的尊重, 并且, 应受到世界各国的保护, 除非他是希特勒等盖世魔王. 这就意味着, 任何政府机构都沒有权利, 改写这些圣经里的字眼, 或要求改写任何字眼. 
上诉庭三司各自的判词只字未提这些触及信仰自由核心地位的案例.

9.上诉庭判词的基本结论太过广泛  后果影响深远
虽然法庭审理的是天主教 《先鋒报》 的出版问题, 但是, 上诉庭的判決却超越了这个范围, 影响了所有书籍和出版刊物. 这是案件的基本结论. 它将成为先例. 往后, 在同样的情況下, 所有法院都必须遵循这个先例.
因此, 这个判例也影响了东马人民一路来使用的马来文圣经. 这些圣经不能再使用 “阿拉” 字眼了. 这个上诉庭判決的严重性在于: 这等于说, 基督教的圣书得受审查. 其实, 这是全世界任何世俗国家, 都不应该做的事. 
东马人民宗教自由也受影响
就在沙巴和砂劳越庆祝马来西亚成立50周年之际, 我国布城的法院却告诉我国人民, 东马人民不准阅读他们自己选择的圣经译本. 这是令人惊讶的事.
在马来西亚成立之前, 砂劳越和北婆罗州 (现称沙巴) 人民的基本要求之一, 就是一项保证. 那就是: 英帝国主义不应由马来亚帝国主义所取代; 英殖民统治不会由吉隆坡殖民统治所取代.
如果1961- 1963年间, 讨论成立马来西亚时, 有人提出, 在马来西亚成立50 年內, 东马人民不准阅读含有 “阿拉” 字眼的马来文圣经, 对东马人民来说, 可以肯定, 是件极其不合理的事.

10. 法官不应自行引述 “资料”  无视双方代表律师意见
上诉庭其中一名法官, 似乎沒花心思在斟酌案中的实情, 却在网络上自行搜索资料. 其实, 法庭应根据诉讼双方提供的资料来判案. 但是, 在此案中, 诉讼双方都未提供这类网络资料给上诉庭. 也就是说, 法官私自在进行搜索资料的工作. 实际上, 这么做是违反自然公正法则的, 因为他沒邀请诉讼双方的代表律师, 針对这些资料, 发表他们各自的意见. 在这种情況下, 法官又犯了一项严重的错误.
我国最高法院 - 联邦法院 - 审理这个案件时, 不应考虑这名法官所 自行 “发现” 的证据.

11.  悬而未決的问题: 法庭要如何执行这项判決?
法官所作出的判決, 必须要有实际用途. 是不是能执行判決, 那是极为重要的. 如果天主教《先鋒报》执意继续使用 “阿拉” 字眼, 他们可能要面临准证被吊銷的危机. 但是, 圣经里的 “阿拉” 字眼, 要如何处理呢?看来, 政府可以采用两种方法, 来执行上诉庭的判決:
(1)从基督教堂和每个教徒的住家搜出圣经, 然后, 全部充公. 最后用一把火将圣经烧掉.

(2)走访基督教堂和每个教徒的住家, 把圣经里的 “阿拉” 字眼全部刪掉, 或者, 把圣经里有 “阿拉” 字眼的页面撕掉.

当你考虑到政府要如何执行判決时, 判決的严重性立刻就浮出水面. 可以想像得到, 基督教堂和每个教徒家庭可能群起抗议政府人员触动他们的圣经. 如果圣经受损坏的话, 其后果更加不堪设想.
如果这些人顽抗到底, 政府会不会使用暴力对付? 为了国家利益, 政府应采用细腻的技巧和有理智地处理这件事, 因为所涉及的是少数社群的基本人权, 尤其是宗教自由权利. 

12. 政府获得的只是 “得不偿失的胜利”
我们不是在危言耸听. 法庭判決可能产生不可避免的不良后果. 总检察长究竟有沒有忠告过政府, 可能发生这类后果?  法庭的判決令政府获得的, 只是得不偿失的胜利, 以极大代价換取到的胜利. 这是因为这样的判決已破坏了多元文化社会的族群关系. 付出的代价确实是太大了. 这怎能是具有责任感的当权者所实施的一项良好施政?  

13. 听听我国最杰出的法官敦苏芬语重心长的一番话 
1982年, 我国最杰出的法官, 也就是前最高法院院长敦苏芬, 曾经在新加坡国立大学, 发表过一篇重要演词. 在演词中, 他语重心长地说:

“在一个像你们 (新加坡)和我们的多元种族和多元宗教的社会里, 我们的法官可能是马来人、华人、或印度人, 也可能是穆斯林、兴都教徒等. 但是, 我们会尽量避免分辨自己属于哪一个特定种族或宗教.  如果把我们的名字从判词中刪除, 沒有人能分辨出我们属于哪一个种族或宗教. 这么一来, 就可保证各族群的权利, 特別是少数族群的权利, 不会被人踩在脚底下. ” (见FA Trinidade 与 HP Lee 合编的 《马来西亚宪法》 1986年版本, 第200, 216页)

自从敦沙烈 (另一名前最高法院院长), 于1988年,  遭前首相马哈迪医生撤职后,  我国司法独立受到严重侵蚀. 自此以后, 敦苏芬就变成了直言不讳地批评我国司法的著名人士. 敦苏芬肯定不会认同上诉庭三司对此案的处理方法.  一般公众人士都认为,  針对天主教 《先鋒报》 一案的上诉庭判词, 三司本身的宗教信仰, 起着举足轻重的影响.最后, 希望我国目前的最高法院 – 联邦法院, 能作出维护宗教自由的判词, 结束这场引起各族群之间紧张关系与社会不和谐的无谓争议.  (完)

 [注: 这篇法律文章, 基本上, 取材自我国资深律师通美.汤姆斯 (Tommy Thomas) 的文章: “The Allah Decision is Wrong in Constitutional Law ” [见2013年Aliran 期刊 (第 37 卷 第33-40页)]. 由于他纯粹以法律专业水平撰写这篇文章, 一般读者要完全理解它, 可能有些难度. 本文采用较为浅显易懂的文字加以整理, 以供大家参考. 通过本文, 希望读者们对 “阿拉” 事件, 能有个较为客观、符合宪法的正确看法.]

Wednesday, February 12, 2014

It’s A Misconception To Think Sarawak Chief Minister Is Really Retiring

By Barry Porter and Manirajan Ramasamy. Published by Bloomberg News on 10 February 2014.

Abdul Taib Mahmud plans to retire as chief minister of Sarawak, after running Malaysia’s commodities-rich eastern state for more than three decades.

Taib, 77, intends to inform Sarawak’s head of state to of his intention to resign, Malaysia’s official Bernama news agency reported, citing the chief minister. The decision comes seven months after the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission formed a multi-agency task force to expedite investigations into claims of graft. Taib has denied corruption allegations, and press reports say he may seek to become the state’s governor.

During his 33-year rule of Malaysia’s biggest state, Taib’s government handed out concessions for logging and supported the federal government’s mega projects, including construction of the country’s largest hydroelectric dam. Oil palm plantations spread as loggers rolled back the frontiers of Borneo’s rain forest, home to nomadic people and rare wildlife such as orangutans and proboscis monkeys.

Some stocks linked to his relatives fell after the Berita Harian newspaper first reported on Feb. 5 that Taib planned to retire as chief minister and become the state’s governor. Cahya Mata Sarawak Bhd. (CMS), a construction and building materials maker, rose 3.8 percent today after declining 8.6 percent last week after the report.
‘More Powerful’

It’s a misconception to think he’s really retiring,” said James Chin, professor of political science at the Malaysian campus of Australia’s Monash University. “When he moves up to governor, he becomes even more powerful. Certain things need his signature. He appoints the chief minister. All mining leases must be signed off by him.

Taib and his allies control 25 Sarawak seats in Malaysia’s national parliament. That’s enough to ensure the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition falls from power should they ever choose to switch support to the opposition, said Chin. Prime Minister Najib Razak’s alliance was returned to power in May 2013 by its narrowest margin since independence in 1957.

Taib told Bernama he would step down from his current position by the end of this month. He is Malaysia’s longest-serving chief minister, in power longer than Mahathir Mohamad, who retired after 22 years as prime minister in 2003.
Important Role

Taib is not really gone from Sarawak politics,” Ibrahim Suffian, a political analyst at the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research, said by phone. “From behind the scenes or even as the new governor, he will play an important role including handling economic issues. Most important now is who will be Taib’s successor.” Opposition parties have made some inroads in Sarawak in recent years, he said.

Taib had doubled up as the state’s finance minister, and minister for planning and resource management, according to his official website. He’s also president of Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, or PBB, and state chairman of Barisan Nasional, Malaysia’s ruling political coalition headed by Prime Minister Najib Razak.

PBB met at the weekend and gave Taib a mandate to nominate his successor, the Star reported, citing party Chairman Amar Asfia Awang Nassar.

Local media, including the Star, have named three candidates short-listed by Taib to replace him. They are the party’s deputy president Amar Abang Johari Openg, senior vice president Amar Awang Tengah Ali Hasan and information chief Adenan Satem.

To contact the reporters on this story: Barry Porter in Kuala Lumpur at bporter10@bloomberg.net; Manirajan Ramasamy in Kuala Lumpur at rmanirajan@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Rosalind Mathieson at rmathieson3@bloomberg.net

Link: 


Published by Today Online on 10 February 2014.

But Mr Taib’s influence over the sprawling Borneo island state is likely to remain strong as he is expected to take on the job of state governor, a more ceremonial role than his current post.

His departure will raise doubts over whether a successor will be able to maintain Mr Taib’s political balance between defending the interests of native Sarawak residents, and supporting the national Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. The state is majority Christian in Muslim-majority Malaysia.

Sarawak, the country’s largest state, has been increasingly crucial to the long-ruling BN coalition as its support wanes in peninsula Malaysia. Without the 25 seats that Mr Taib’s party and his allies won in last May’s election, the national coalition would have lost its majority in the 222-seat parliament, likely ending its 57-year rule.

Mr Taib’s party emerged from the election as the coalition’s second-largest party after the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), boosting his sway over national politics.

Mr Taib has short-listed three possible successors, including his housing minister who is seen as having close ties with the federal government and Prime Minister Najib Razak.

“I think the big question is what happens over the longer term, whether his successors will develop minds of their own,” said Mr Ibrahim Suffian, head of the Merdeka Center polling firm.

Mr Taib, who travels by Rolls Royce and private jet, has been under pressure to step down amid a growing focus on alleged timber corruption in the state.

Environmental groups say that under his rule, Sarawak — which accounts for a quarter of the world’s tropical log exports - has lost 95 per cent of its virgin forest. Sarawak officials say 84 per cent of the state is forested although this includes massive oil palm estates planted in place of forests.

UNDER INVESTIGATION

Mr Taib has been under investigation by Malaysia’s anti-graft agency since 2011 and is regularly accused by activist groups of enriching his family through his control over awarding huge infrastructure contracts.

Ms Clare Rewcastle-Brown, who has long been a critic of Mr Taib and who runs the Sarawak Report website, said Mr Taib was merely “moving upstairs” into the new role and would maintain his overall influence on state affairs.

He will never willingly give up power as it would be too dangerous for him and threaten the business empire he has built up across Sarawak,” she said.

Mr Taib is presiding over a US$100 billion (S$127 billion) plan to harness the state’s rivers into 12 dams by 2020 and transform it into an energy hub that can power smelters built by Japanese and Australian firms and also light up the rest of Borneo island.

Shares in Cahya Mata Sarawak, owned about 40 per cent by Mr Taib’s immediate family, snapped three days of losses to rise 2.5 percent today on expectations Mr Taib will still have a say in how the state awards infrastructure jobs.

Timber companies such as Ta Ann Holdings and Jaya Tiasa that benefit from logging licenses awarded by Mr Taib rose 2.3 per cent and 1.3 per cent respectively.

All the counters outperformed the broader market which inched up 0.4 per cent. REUTERS

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Published by Free Malaysia Today on 12 February 2014.

Research by Swiss NGO, the Bruno Manser Fund (BMF), has shown that Taib’s family raised US$16.94 million (RM55.9 million) from the sale of one of his San Francisco properties. The historical 11-storey building at 260 California Street in San Francisco’s financial district was sold by Sakti in mid-2012. Sakti, a US company, is allegedly controlled by Taib via his closest family members.

Documents released by the late whistleblower Ross Boyert back in 2010 showed that 50% of Sakti’s shares were held “in trust” Taib by his two brothers – Onn and Arip – and his three children. The Swiss NGO said in a statement that Taib’s majority control of Sakti was kept a secret because the Sarawak constitution prohibits the Chief Minister from actively running commercial interests.

The constitution states that the head of government and the Governor “shall not hold any office of profit and shall not actively engage in commercial enterprise...The Sakti sale is a textbook example of money-laundering. A foreign politician who acts in an illegal and unconstitutional way should not be allowed to operate freely in the United States. The US and the Malaysian authorities have to act decisively and confiscate all Taib assets whose origin cannot be explained,” the statement said.

Read more here: